Sunday, February 23, 2025

Dollars and Dominance: How Military Strength Secures Financial Power

 A new paper co-authored by Professor Pierre Yared shows how geopolitical strength and financial privilege reinforce each other, with implications ranging from interest rates to national security.

Stephanie Walden November 26, 2024

Compared to the rest of the world, Americans enjoy some significant economic perks: relatively low interest rates, more stable prices for imported goods, and greater purchasing power when shopping from many international retailers online. These benefits are due, in part, to the fact that the US dollar is the world’s reserve currency. That means it’s a benchmark for pricing global financial transactions, the preferred medium for international trade, and a safe haven in times of crisis. This exorbitant privilege, as it’s often called, allows the US government to borrow more cheaply than other nations — and wield outsized influence in the global economy.

But what creates this financial dominance? The answer may lie not only in economic factors but in geopolitical might. “Economists have been wondering about what underpins a country’s ability to be a global reserve currency for a long time,” says Pierre Yared, the MUTB Professor of International Business at Columbia Business School. “The novel point we’re making is that this financial status is very much related to the ability to dominate the globe militarily.”

Yared recently co-authored a paper examining this intricate relationship between military strength and global financial dominance. The research found that transitions in military dominance have historically coincided with shifts in financial privilege — and that maintaining the stability of US financial markets is not just an economic imperative but potentially a matter of national security.

Key Takeaways:

  • Military might and financial privilege appear to be deeply interconnected, with transitions in global hegemony (world geopolitical leadership) historically coinciding with shifts in currency dominance.
  • The US dollar’s status as the global reserve currency is perhaps more closely tied to America’s military power — and perceived likelihood of prevailing in conflicts — than previous economic analysis has accounted for.
  • As such, disruptions to US financial markets, such as debt ceiling crises, could have national security implications by potentially eroding America’s borrowing advantage.
  • Geopolitical events can significantly impact currency values and borrowing costs around the globe, with periods of heightened tension often increasing the US government debt’s relative value.

The Military-Financial Nexus

Traditional economic analyses have chalked up the US dollar’s dominance to factors like market liquidity, trade linkages, and the sheer size of the US economy. While these elements certainly play a role, Yared and his co-author argue that military power is a crucial, often overlooked factor in this calculation. “If you want a global store of value, you want an asset that will preserve its value in a cataclysmic state of the world,” explains Yared. “Only a government with a very strong military can ensure that a country will most likely prevail and preserve the value of the assets it issues.”

The paper presents several lines of evidence supporting this connection. For one, there’s historical precedent. The study traces the evolution of global reserve currencies, revealing a pattern where emerging military powers often become financial powerhouses — like the transition from British to American hegemony after World War I, which aligned with the pound sterling losing its primacy to the US dollar.

The researchers also assessed how geopolitical risk impacts currency values and borrowing costs. Periods of heightened geopolitical tension tend to increase the US government debt’s relative value. “When that risk goes up, US privilege increases, because financial markets start valuing US assets relatively more,” notes Yared. “Treasury bonds sell at a higher premium during periods of geopolitical stress, because those are the periods when people shift toward the safest assets — and those will be associated with the country most likely to dominate in a geopolitical conflict.”

This relationship is illustrated in Figure 2 of the report, below, which visualizes the link between geopolitical risk and the United States’ borrowing advantages over a time frame spanning 1980 to 2020. The solid line represents the United States’ borrowing advantage, measured as three-year government borrowing costs for other developed countries in excess of the borrowing cost for the United States. The dashed line shows the United States’ geopolitical risk index. Key events like the Gulf War, Iraq War, and Ukraine conflict are marked, showing spikes in both geopolitical risk and the United States’ borrowing advantage, with a 45% correlation between the two measures.

Developed Country-U.S. Borrowing Costs vs. Geopolitical Risk

In addition, the study examined the relationship between military conflict outcomes and debt repayment. In the aftermath of war, victorious nations historically tend to repay debts and maintain currency value, while defeated countries often experience significant inflation and currency devaluation. This indicates that military success directly translates into financial credibility and stability. In other words, the country issuing the safest asset is also likely to prevail in a geopolitical conflict and not devalue that asset.

A Game-Theoretic Model

To explore these dynamics further, the researchers developed a theoretical framework modeling interactions between two countries and international investors. The model considers factors like geopolitical risk, military spending, and investor perceptions.

The model revealed a complex interplay of forces. The researchers identified a two-way interaction wherein military strength often confers financial advantages, which in turn enable greater military spending, creating a self-reinforcing loop. However, the model also suggested a potential for fragility in the global financial system: If two countries have similarly deep financial markets, there may be a greater risk of rapid shifts in dominance.

Intriguingly, the model indicated that under certain conditions, a shift in global financial dominance could occur peacefully — without war — driven instead by coordinated changes in investor expectations.

The Interplay of Financial Advantage and Military Might

The research offers several critical insights for understanding geopolitical dynamics, particularly in terms of the relationship between the United States and China. “The United States can dominate militarily and financially in part because it has deeper financial markets and it can absorb a lot more capital than everybody else,” explains Yared.

But this dominance isn’t guaranteed, and the global financial landscape is evolving. China’s efforts to internationalize the Renminbi (also known as the Chinese Yuan) could have significant implications.

“We’re now in a world where capital is polarizing around a Western bloc and an Eastern bloc,” says Yared. “If China does successfully internationalize its currency, then that is actually a national security threat for the United States.” That’s because a globally accepted Renminbi would reduce the world’s reliance on the US dollar and allow China to compete more effectively for global capital, potentially eroding America’s financial and military advantages.

The research goes on to highlight the interconnectedness of economic policy and national security. Events that disrupt markets, such as debt ceiling crises, could have far-reaching consequences. “It’s a national security issue because it means that, moving forward, the United States would have to pay much more to borrow from financial markets to fund its military,” explains Yared.

From the World Stage to Wall Street: Why the Military-Financial Nexus Has Big Business Implications

Geopolitical events aren’t just headlines happening in a vacuum in far-flung corners of the world. Current tensions ranging from Russia’s ongoing war in Ukraine to war in the Middle East to China’s economic ambitions stand to have tangible impacts on corporate strategies and financial markets worldwide. Yared elaborates that some analysts believe we’re already in a second Cold War, which has implications for significant structural changes in international trade and financial flows.

In other words, the stakes are high. This research speaks to future business leaders seeking a framework to anticipate potentially seismic shifts in the global financial order. “The US dollar plays a special role in this world, and our research provides a way to think about counterfactuals and patterns you can observe in markets during times of geopolitical stress,” says Yared. “Our study also explores a critical question: Under what circumstances might the dollar lose its crown as the world’s reserve currency?”

 

Adapted from “Global Hegemony and Exorbitant Privilege” by Pierre Yared, the MUTB Professor of International Business at Columbia Business School, and Carolin E. Pflueger, associate professor at the Harris School of Public Policy at the University of Chicago.

道义高地容不下背信弃义

编者:2019年人民日报的评论,到了2025年居然如此应景。一叹人心难料,二叹世事多歧,三叹世间之无常,身处天地间,唯奋力而平心而已。

看清美国某些政客“合则用、不合则弃”的真面目  (时间: 2019-06-11
来源: 《人民日报》)

“利者,义之和也。”一些目光短浅的美国政客怕是不明白这个道理,反而亲手抛弃了曾经自我标榜的国际道义,让世人看清了什么叫见利忘义、什么叫背信弃义。

  上世纪40年代以来,美国成为全球头号强国,并逐渐改变曾经的“孤立主义”政策,积极参与全球事务,宣传其价值理念,极力塑造“第一大国”形象,编织了美国“自由世界领袖”“必不可少的国家”等神话。然而,这届美国政府却要将本就广受质疑的所谓道义家底彻底败光。

  美国一些政客嘴上说着“自由、公平和互惠的贸易”,却不断挥舞关税大棒,搞极限讹诈;口口声声说“打造开放投资环境”,却以“莫须有”名义打压他国企业;自身发展遇到问题,却蒙骗民众,转嫁国内矛盾;天天高谈阔论国际责任,自己却单方面退出巴黎协定等国际条约;自我标榜“维护世界和平的重要力量”,却肆意干预他国内政;毫无根据地指责别国侵犯人权,自己却执意退出联合国人权理事会……咨询机构盖洛普的一项民调显示,在抽取的134个国家中,对当下的美国持正面看法的人持续减少,和几年前相比降幅高达近20个百分点。

  现如今,大家都看清了所谓美式道义的真相:符合美国利益的就是“道义”的,无助于实现“美国优先”就是“不道义”的。连美国众多盟友也吃了大亏。美国单方面退出由其牵头的跨太平洋伙伴关系协定,给其他参与国来了个措手不及;美国单方面宣布退出伊朗核问题全面协议,使多年艰苦谈判的成果付诸东流;美国刚与欧盟发表暂缓加征关税的联合声明不到一个月,就再次要挟对汽车加征25%关税……提出“软实力”概念的约瑟夫·奈都不得不承认,美国的“软实力”已经遭到削弱。

  美国对国际道义的扭曲和蔑视,暴露了一些美国政客极端实用主义的处事做派。在他们看来,国际交往根本毫无价值、规则可言,仿佛除了赤裸裸的利益交换,就是力量对抗。而所谓“道义”,不过是他们争夺话语权、营造舆论,并最终谋取私利的工具而已。美国学者劳伦斯·达根一针见血地指出,“美国的政策是打着‘理想’旗号的变相帝国主义”“是用道德高尚的辞藻对损人利己的行为进行解释”。这就不难理解,为什么一些美国政客总是嘴上说一套,实际做一套,对待国际规则更是“合则用、不合则弃”。

  人无德不立,国无德不兴。真正的国际道义,不仅是国际话语权的基础,更代表着国际社会对一些问题的共识,表征着人类文明对一些价值理念的尊崇。比如要互助合作,而不能以邻为壑;要遵信守义,而不是反复无常;要相互尊重,与他国平等相待,而不能搞唯我独尊、霸凌主义那一套……肆无忌惮践踏公认的价值准则,只能成为众矢之的,遭到国际社会的谴责。正所谓“得道者多助,失道者寡助”,美国决策者应当明白这个道理。

  美国前总统林肯有句名言,“人所能负的责任,我必能负;人所不能负的责任,我亦能负。如此,你才能磨炼自己,求得更高的知识而进入更高的境界。”美国作为全球大国,理应负起应有的责任。越是在复杂问题面前,越应显示出与自身体量相匹配的风度和智慧。要知道,在当今世界,一个国家的国际影响力,并不简单取决于其拥有的力量,归根到底靠的是守住共同的价值,推动形成更广泛的共识、达成更广泛的合作,最终实现互利共赢、共同发展。

  “所守者道义,所行者忠信,所惜者名节。”一个国家只有堂堂正正,才会赢得世人的认可。奉劝美国一些政客搞明白一个最基本的道理,那就是道义高地容不下背信弃义,背信弃义无法对自己的国家和人民负责,也无法对世界发展和人类文明进步负责。


Wednesday, February 19, 2025

Biden Pledges U.S. 'Will Not Walk Away From Ukraine'

 Dec. 12, 2023 | By Joseph Clark, DOD News 

President Joe Biden pledged that the U.S. will continue to stand with Ukraine following his meeting today with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy at the White House.

A man in a military uniform is standing at a lectern in front of U.S. and Ukranian flags.

Biden praised Ukraine's defenders who have pushed back against Russia's full-scale assault for nearly two years, adding that the "American people can and should be incredibly proud of the part they played in supporting Ukraine's success."

"Mr. President, I will not walk away from Ukraine, and neither will the American people," Biden said. 

The two leaders met amid negotiations on Capitol Hill over Biden's supplemental funding request to continue critical military and humanitarian aid for Ukraine.

Service members stand next to a pallet of military equipment staged near a cargo plane.

"The brave people in Ukraine have defied [Russian President Vladimir] Putin's will at every turn, backed by the strong and unwavering support of the United States and our allies and partners in more than 50 nations in Europe and the Indo-Pacific," he said. "Ukraine will emerge from this war proud, free and firmly rooted in the West, unless we walk away."

He said he would continue to provide U.S. military assistance for as long as Congressionally approved funds are available.   

During his address, Biden announced his approval on the latest round of military assistance, valued at $200 million, which includes critically needed air defense interceptors, artillery and ammunition.  

"Without supplemental funding, we are rapidly coming to an end of our ability to help Ukraine respond to the urgent operational demands that it has," he said.

Service members stand next to pallets of military equipment staged near a cargo plane.

"Putin is banking on the United States failing to deliver for Ukraine," he continued. "We must prove him wrong."  

While in Washington, Zelenskyy met with defense officials and lawmakers to extend his gratitude for the United States' support and underscore the urgent need for that support to continue.

In introductory remarks yesterday ahead of Zelenskyy's address at National Defense University in Washington, D.C., Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III underscored the United States' "unshakable" commitment to support Ukraine as it defends itself against Russian aggression.

"Ukraine matters profoundly to America's security, and to the trajectory of global security in the 21st century," Austin said. "That's why the United States has committed more than $44 billion in security assistance to Ukraine's brave defenders."

Two men shake hands.

He added that the U.S.-led coalition of allies and partners have also contributed more than $37 billion in security assistance to Ukraine. Those contributions include capabilities that "are making a crucial difference on the battlefield," Austin said, and have helped Ukraine recoup more than half of the territory seized by Russia since February 2022.

He said the U.S. and its allies and partners remain "determined to help Ukraine consolidate and extend its battlefield gains, and to build a future force that can ward off Russian aggression in the years ahead."

Sunday, February 16, 2025

How much are countries really spending on defence?

 With President Donald Trump entering office for the second time, Nato spending is once again under scrutiny as the United States warns European countries must dig deeper into their pockets.

Defence secretary Pete Hegseth said on Wednesday the US would “no longer tolerate an imbalanced relationship” with allies on Ukraine, and warned that other Nato Members needed to spend more on defence.

It comes as Mr Trump announced he had a “highly productive” phone call with Russian president Vladimir Putin, which he said would initiate negotiations to end the war in Ukraine.

Other Nato nations have criticised leaving Ukraine and President Volodymyr Zelensky out of the call, with the UK’s defence minister John Healey reiterating that “there can be no negotiation about Ukraine, without Ukraine”.

“Let’s not forget, Russia remains a threat well beyond Ukraine,” added Mr Healey.

The United States is tied with Germany as the biggest net contributor to the Nato common budget – yet the cost is a drop in the ocean in terms of domestic product (GDP), compared to other countries.

How much do countries pay Nato?

The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (Nato) budget for 2025 is approximately £3.8bn, but is paid for at different rates by each of the 32 member states.

The most recent member of Nato is Sweden, which joined in 2024. Ukraine is not a member of Nato, but has repeatedly sought membership since Crimea was annexed by Russia in 2014.

The Nato budget is divided into three main parts: the civil budget, military budget, and Nato Security Investment Program.

When looking specifically at the Nato common budget, to which countries make direct contributions, Germany and the United States are both the highest payers overall.

The US contributes 15.8 per cent of the £3.8bn budget, the same as Germany, a far cry from the “90 to 100 per cent” which Trump claimed in an interview last year.

For the estimated £3.8bn in 2025, this will amount to around £603.4m contributed to the Nato budget by the United States.

The United Kingdom is the third biggest contributor, at 11 per cent, amounting to approximately £416.6m this year; followed by France (10.2 per cent) and then Italy (8.5 per cent).

Albania, Macedonia, Iceland and Montenegro all contribute less than 0.1 per cent of the common Nato budget. All four countries have a GDP worth less than 0.1 per cent of the United States.

Separately, since 2006 all Nato members agreed to commit at least 2 per cent of GDP to defence spending in their respective countries.

Since the United States has the biggest GDP and the largest net spending on defence by far, it does make up approximately two-thirds of the Nato alliance’s combined defence spending.

Yet for other countries to match even a proportion of this real-terms defence spending would be much more of a strain on their economies. In addition, the United States’ hefty military budget is not decided solely for Nato reasons, but also for its own military commitments and interests.

While the majority (72 per cent) of Nato Allies were predicted to meet their 2 per cent defence spending pledge last year, it is true that some (eight) countries have spent less than 2 per cent of their GDP on their military budget.

These are Spain, Slovenia, Luxembourg, Belgium, Canada, Italy, Portugal, and Croatia. However, these countries (except for Croatia) have increased their military spending from the previous year.


Nato defence spending as percentage of GDP in 2024 (Nato)

In addition, the United States is not the highest spender on defence in terms of GDP; Poland (4.12 per cent) and Estonia (3.43 per cent) are both ahead, and face more risk from being close to Russia’s borders.

In fact, every single Nato member has increased their defence spending in terms of GDP between 2014 and 2024; except for the United States, whose military budget was slightly smaller, according to Nato estimates.

Now, Trump is calling for Nato countries to increase defence spending to meet 5 per cent of GDP; a figure that even the US itself does not reach.

More than doubling the GDP spending commitment would mean a huge jump in real-terms military spending for Nato countries.

For Norway, which will spend approximately 2.15 per cent of GDP on defence in 2025, reaching 5 per cent of GDP would take defence spending from around £7.4bn to over £17bn.

The United Kingdom, which spent around 2.3 per cent of GDP on defence in 2024, would have to increase its budget from around £56.9bn to over £123bn to meet Trump’s 5 per cent goals.

Military personnel

Last year, the United States military made up around 38 per cent of the 3.4 million combined troops from Nato allied countries.

Numbering approximately 1.3 million military personnel in 2024, the United States military stands far higher than any other Nato country; yet this is no surprise, since it is also far larger by population.

The second largest army in Nato is in Turkey, which has a mandatory military service for men, at 355,000 troops. Next are Poland (202,000), France (200,000), and the United Kingdom (185,000), according to the latest IISS Military Balance figures for 2024.

The United States military is also reliant on a good relationship with Nato and its allies. There are around 65,500 US military personnel stationed across Nato countries, according to US Defense Manpower Data Center figures from June 2024.

There are 34,894 US military personnel in Germany and 12,319 based in Italy. The United Kingdom also has over 10,000 US military personnel at various army bases throughout the country.

美国刹不住的贸易逆差, 根本原因是什么?

编者:货币是贸易的媒介,货币的流动带来经济的繁荣。美元贸易的逆差让大量美元流出美国,但是这些美元在国际贸易中作为结算货币,让美元在世界范围内流通,成为世界货币。强劲的需求让美元利率走低,降低了信贷成本。除此之外,境外美元也会投入美国股市,房市,以及留学与旅游,给美国经济曾经活力。...