Tuesday, October 20, 2020

Opinion: Biden and Trump agree on this one key part of foreign policy

 Amid the dramatic differences between Donald Trump and Joe Biden on foreign policy, there is common ground.

The biggest area of agreement concerns China. Trump has steered the U.S. toward a more confrontational approach with Beijing, a reversal of decades that featured both Republican and Democratic presidents who believed that over time, expanded ties — trade, scientific, education and more — would liberalize the communist giant.

Trump ended this naive charade, and deserves credit for treating China not as we wish it would be, but as it really is. Much of the American foreign policy establishment, including Biden, now holds harder-line views toward Beijing than in the past.

In 2000, Biden argued in the Senate for normalizing trade with China, opening the door for the world’s most populous nation’s entry into the World Trade Organization. A year later he traveled to China as chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to highlight a commercial link that would allow the country to become a member of the WTO. As Barack Obama’s vice president, he recalled that trip in 2011, saying he “believed then what I believe now: that a rising China is a positive, positive development, not only for China but for America and the world writ large.”

Starting around 2012, the U.S.’s tone with China changed. Biden met with China’s leader, Xi Jinping, several times, and sensed a Cold War brewing. He supported flying warplanes in the South China Sea to remind China of the U.S.’s dominance of shipping ports. His campaign criticized China’s treatment of Uighur Muslims and other ethnic minorities in the Xinjiang region as “genocide.”

During the presidential campaign, Biden ramped things up. Earlier this year, he called Xi a “thug” during a debate. In another, he said China was an “authoritarian dictatorship.”

As the Wall Street Journal noted recently: “Advisers to Mr. Biden say they share the Trump administration’s assessment of China as an authoritarian rival intent on disrupting the American-led global order.”

Trump takes lead on China

U.S. establishment foreign policy has come around to the notion that Trump was right on the principal diagnosis that Beijing is a malignant influence on the world stage. As far back as 2011, Trump was talking tough on China. In a tweet that year, he said that “China is neither an ally or a friend — they want to beat us and own our country.” A year later he said in another tweet that China’s “M.O.” is to “lie, cheat & steal in all international dealings.”

Both Trump and Biden recognize Xi’s “Made in China 2025” policy as an all-out effort to transform China into the world’s leader in key areas such as 5G, artificial intelligence, robotics, aerospace, biomedicine and more. Such economic and technological prowess translates into raw military power.

Trump has attempted to limit China’s power. On Oct. 9, in a move that didn’t get much media attention, his administration placed 28 Chinese organizations on a blacklist for their alleged role in human-rights violations, effectively blocking them from doing business with American firms. The list includes manufacturers of video surveillance, artificial intelligence, voice recognition technology and more. This is on top of higher-profile administration efforts to keep Huawei, the Chinese technology giant, from spreading into Western countries, and the spat over the viral video app TikTok.

Biden has criticized Beijing’s “abusive” trade practices, agreeing with Trump that the Asian nation is breaking trade rules, unfairly subsidizing Chinese companies and stealing U.S. intellectual property. He acknowledges one million manufacturing jobs have been lost to China.

Biden and tariffs

But as president, how would Biden handle China?

Despite agreeing with Trump on the diagnosis — that China is a bully on the world stage — Biden’s proposed remedies may differ. Trump thinks his tariffs are hurting China. The U.S. currently levies 7.5% tariffs on $120 billion in certain Chinese goods, and 25% duties on about $250 billion of other Chinese products. The president has said China bears those costs, not U.S. consumers. Still, J.P. Morgan Chase has estimated that the tariffs are costing the average U.S. household about $1,000 a year. U.S. companies lost at least $1.7 trillion in market value from the tariff war, according to research by economists from the Federal Reserve Bank of New York and Columbia University.

For those reasons and others, Biden has slammed Trump’s tariffs as harmful to American interests, though his campaign has so far hedged on when, or whether, they would be lifted. I suspect the levies could begin to ease at some point in 2021 if he wins.

Biden, according to his platform, says he would “stand up to” China by “working with our allies to negotiate from the strongest possible position.” He would apply carbon tariffs to countries that are “failing to meet their climate and environmental obligations.”

Both Trump and Biden are also correct in saying that some sensitive supply chains that run through China are potential national-security threats. Like Trump, Biden says he wants to ease American dependence on Beijing by luring American manufacturers home with tax credits.

Restoring R&D in technology

One way Biden could outdo Trump is by ramping up research and development in the key technologies mentioned earlier in this column. Both men have talked about the need for closer partnerships between federal agencies and the private sector. But with the exceptions of things such as artificial intelligence and quantum computing, Trump’s budget proposals have consistently sought to cut R&D spending in areas with potential long-term security benefits. That isn’t how the U.S. is going to best the Chinese over the long run.

Trump might not be president much longer if the polls are correct, but he has helped to reorient the American view toward China. We’re in a race now, a new Cold War, with a rival that has so far proven to be more nimble and innovative than our prior Cold War opponent, the Soviet Union, ever was. Regardless of who wins the election, it’s a safe bet that the new, harder line to Beijing will continue. 

Wednesday, October 14, 2020

The Swedish COVID-19 Response Is a Disaster. It Shouldn’t Be a Model for the Rest of the World

 The Swedish COVID-19 experiment of not implementing early and strong measures to safeguard the population has been hotly debated around the world, but at this point we can predict it is almost certain to result in a net failure in terms of death and suffering. As of Oct. 13, Sweden’s per capita death rate is 58.4 per 100,000 people, according to Johns Hopkins University data, 12th highest in the world (not including tiny Andorra and San Marino). But perhaps more striking are the findings of a study published Oct. 12 in the Journal of the American Medical Association, which pointed out that, of the countries the researchers investigated, Sweden and the U.S. essentially make up a category of two: they are the only countries with high overall mortality rates that have failed to rapidly reduce those numbers as the pandemic has progressed.

Yet the architects of the Swedish plan are selling it as a success to the rest of the world. And officials in other countries, including at the top level of the U.S. government, are discussing the strategy as one to emulate—despite the reality that doing so will almost certainly increase the rates of death and misery.

Countries that locked down early and/or used extensive test and tracing—including Denmark, Finland, Norway, South Korea, Japan, Taiwan, Vietnam and New Zealand—saved lives and limited damage to their economies. Countries that locked down late, came out of lock down too early, did not effectively test and quarantine, or only used a partial lockdown—including Brazil, Mexico, Netherlands, Peru, Spain, Sweden, the U.S. and the U.K.—have almost uniformly done worse in rates of infection and death.

Despite this, Sweden’s Public Health Agency director Johan Carlson has claimed that “the Swedish situation remains favorable,” and that the country’s response has been “consistent and sustainable.” The data, however, show that the case rate in Sweden, as elsewhere in Europe, is currently increasing.

Average daily cases rose 173% nationwide from Sept. 2-8 to Sept. 30-Oct. 6 and in Stockholm that number increased 405% for the same period. Though some have argued that rising case numbers can be attributed to increased testing, a recent study of Stockholm’s wastewater published Oct. 5 by the Swedish Royal Institute of Technology (KTH) argues otherwise. An increased concentration of the virus in wastewater, the KTH researchers write, shows a rise of the virus in the population of the greater Stockholm area (where a large proportion of the country’s population live) in a way that is entirely independent of testing. Yet even with this rise in cases, the government is easing the few restrictions it had in place.

From early on, the Swedish government seemed to treat it as a foregone conclusion that many people would die. The country’s Prime Minister Stefan Löfven told the Swedish newspaper Dagens Nyheter on April 3, “We will have to count the dead in thousands. It is just as well that we prepare for it.” In July, as the death count reached 5,500, Löfven said that the “strategy is right, I am completely convinced of that.” In September, Dr. Anders Tegnell, the Public Health Agency epidemiologist in charge of the country’s COVID-19 response reiterated the party line that a growing death count did “not mean that the strategy itself has gone wrong.” There has been a lack of written communication between the Prime Minister and the Pubic Health Authority: when the authors requested all emails and documents between the Prime Minister’s office and the Public Health Authority for the period Jan. 1—Sept. 14, the Prime Minister’s Registrar replied on Sept. 17 that none existed.

Despite the Public Health Agency’s insistence to the contrary, the core of this strategy is widely understood to have been about building natural “herd immunity”—essentially, letting enough members of a population (the herd) get infected, recover, and then develop an immune system response to the virus that it would ultimately stop spreading. Both the agency and Prime Minister Löfven have characterized the approach as “common sense“ trust-based recommendations rather than strict measures, such as lockdowns, which they say are unsustainable over an extended period of time—and that herd immunity was just a desirable side effect. However, internal government communications suggest otherwise.

Emails obtained by one of the authors through Freedom of Information laws (called offentlighetsprincipen, or “Openness Principle,” in Swedish) between national and regional government agencies, including the Swedish Public Health Authority, as well as those obtained by other journalists, suggest that the goal was all along in fact to develop herd immunity. We have also received information through sources who made similar requests or who corresponded directly with government agencies that back up this conclusion. For the sake of transparency, we created a website where we’ve posted some of these documents.

One example showing clearly that government officials had been thinking about herd immunity from early on is a March 15 email sent from a retired doctor to Tegnell, the epidemiologist and architect of the Swedish plan, which he forwarded to his Finnish counterpart, Mika Salminen. In it, the retired doctor recommended allowing healthy people to be infected in controlled settings as a way to fight the epidemic. “One point would be to keep schools open to reach herd immunity faster,” Tegnell noted at the top of the forwarded email.

Salminen responded that the Finnish Health Agency had considered this but decided against it, because “over time, the children are still going to spread the infection to other age groups.” Furthermore, the Finnish model showed that closing schools would reduce “the attack rate of the disease on the elderly” by 10%. Tegnell responded: “10 percent might be worth it?”

The majority of the rest of Sweden’s policymakers seemed to have agreed: the country never closed daycare or schools for children under the age of 16, and school attendance is mandatory under Swedish law, with no option for distance learning or home schooling, even for family members in high risk groups. Policymakers essentially decided to use children and schools as participants in an experiment to see if herd immunity to a deadly disease could be reached. Multiple outbreaks at schools occurred in both the spring and autumn.

At this point, whether herd immunity was the “goal” or a “byproduct” of the Swedish plan is semantics, because it simply hasn’t worked. In April, the Public Health Agency predicted that 40% of the Stockholm population would have the disease and acquire protective antibodies by May. According to the agency’s own antibody studies published Sept. 3 for samples collected up until late June, the actual figure for random testing of antibodies is only 11.4% for Stockholm, 6.3% for Gothenburg and 7.1% across Sweden. As of mid-August, herd immunity was still “nowhere in sight,” according to a Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine study. That shouldn’t have been a surprise. After all, herd immunity to an infectious disease has never been achieved without a vaccine.

Löfven, his government, and the Public Health Agency all say that the high COVID-19 death rate in Sweden can be attributed to the fact that a large portion of these deaths occurred in nursing homes, due to shortcomings in elderly care.

However, the high infection rate across the country was the underlying factor that led to a high number of those becoming infected in care homes. Many sick elderly were not seen by a doctor because the country’s hospitals were implementing a triage system that, according to a study published July 1 in the journal Clinical Infectious Diseases, appeared to have factored in age and predicted prognosis. “This likely reduced [intensive care unit] load at the cost of more high-risk patients”—like elderly people with confirmed infection—dying outside the ICU.” Only 13% of the elderly residents who died with COVID-19 during the spring received hospital care, according to preliminary statistics from the National Board of Health and Welfare released Aug.

In one case which seems representative of how seniors were treated, patient Reza Sedghi was not seen by a doctor the day he died from COVID-19 at a care home in Stockholm. A nurse told Sedghi’s daughter Lili Perspolisi that her father was given a shot of morphine before he passed away, that no oxygen was administered and staff did not call an ambulance. “No one was there and he died alone,” Perspolisi says.

In order to be admitted for hospital care, patients needed to have breathing problems and even then, many were reportedly denied care. Regional healthcare managers in each of Sweden’s 21 regions, who are responsible for care at hospitals as well as implementing Public Health Agency guidelines, have claimed that no patients were denied care during the pandemic. But internal local government documents from April from some of Sweden’s regions—including those covering the biggest cities of Stockholm, Gothenburg and Malmö—also show directives for how some patients including those receiving home care, those living at nursing homes and assisted living facilities, and those with special needs could not receive oxygen or hospitalization in some situations. Dagens Nyheter published an investigation on Oct. 13 showing that patients in Stockholm were denied care as a result of these guidelines. Further, a September investigation by Sveriges Radio, Sweden’s national public broadcaster, found that more than 100 people reported to the Swedish Health and Care Inspectorate that their relatives with COVID-19 either did not receive oxygen or nutrient drops or that they were not allowed to come to hospital.

These issues do not only affect the elderly or those who had COVID-19. The National Board of Health and Welfare’s guidelines for intensive care in extraordinary circumstances throughout Sweden state that priority should be given to patients based on biological, not chronological, age. Sörmlands Media, in an investigation published May 13, cited a number of sources saying that, in many parts of the country, the health care system was already operating in a way such that people were being denied the type of inpatient care they would have received in normal times. Regional health agencies were using a Clinical Frailty Scale, an assessment tool designed to predict the need for care in a nursing home or hospital, and the life expectancy of older people by estimating their fragility, to determine whether someone should receive hospital care and was applied to decisions regarding all sorts of treatment, not only for COVID-19. These guidelines led to many people with health care needs unrelated to COVID-19 not getting the care they need, with some even dying as a result—collateral damage of Sweden’s COVID-19 strategy.

Dr. Michael Broomé, the chief physician at Stockholm’s Karolinska Hospital’s Intensive Care Unit, says his department’s patient load tripled during the spring. His staff, he says, “have often felt powerless and inadequate. We have lost several young, previously healthy, patients with particularly serious disease courses. We have also repeatedly been forced to say no to patients we would normally have accepted due to a lack of experienced staff, suitable facilities and equipment.”

In June, Dagens Nyheter reported a story of one case showing how disastrous such a scenario can be. Yanina Lucero had been ill for several weeks in March with severe breathing problems, fever and diarrhea, yet COVID-19 tests were not available at the time except for those returning from high risk areas who displayed symptoms, those admitted to the hospital, and those working in health care. Yanina was only 39 years old and had no underlying illnesses. Her husband Cristian brought her to an unnamed hospital in Stockholm, but were told it was full and sent home, where Lucero’s health deteriorated. After several days when she could barely walk, an ambulance arrived and Lucero was taken to Huddinge hospital, where she was sedated and put on a ventilator. She died on April 15 without receiving a COVID-19 test in hospital.

Sweden did try some things to protect citizens from the pandemic. On March 12 the government restricted public gatherings to 500 people and the next day the Public Health Agency issued a press release telling people with possible COVID-19 symptoms to stay home. On March 17, the Public Health Agency asked employers in the Stockholm area to let employees work from home if they could. The government further limited public gatherings to 50 people on March 29. Yet there were no recommendations on private events and the 50-person limit doesn’t apply to schools, libraries, corporate events, swimming pools, shopping malls or many other situations. Starting April 1, the government restricted visits to retirement homes (which reopened to visitors on Oct. 1 without masks recommended for visitors or staff). But all these recommendations came later than in the other Nordic countries. In the interim, institutions were forced to make their own decisions; some high schools and universities changed to on-line teaching and restaurants and bars went to table seating with distance, and some companies instituted rules about wearing masks on site and encouraging employees to work from home.

Meanwhile Sweden built neither the testing nor the contact-tracing capacity that other wealthy European countries did. Until the end of May (and again in August), Sweden tested 20% the number of people per capita compared with Denmark, and less than both Norway and Finland; Sweden has often had among the lowest test rates in Europe. Even with increased testing in the fall, Sweden still only tests only about one-fourth that of Denmark.

Sweden never quarantined those arriving from high-risk areas abroad nor did it close most businesses, including restaurants and bars. Family members of those who test positive for COVID-19 must attend school in person, unlike in many other countries where if one person in a household tests positive the entire family quarantines, usually for 14 days. Employees must also report to work as usual unless they also have symptoms of COVID-19, an agreement with their employer for a leave of absence or a doctor recommends that they isolate at home.

On Oct. 1, the Public Health Authority issued non-binding “rules of conduct” that open the possibility for doctors to be able to recommend that certain individuals stay home for seven days if a household member tests positive for COVID-19. But there are major holes in these rules: they do not apply to children (of all ages, from birth to age 16, the year one starts high school), people in the household who previously have a positive PCR or antibody test or, people with socially important professions, such as health care staff (under certain circumstances).

There is also no date for when the rule would go into effect. “It may not happen right away, Stockholm will start quickly but some regions may need more time to get it all in place,” Tegnell said at a Oct. 1 press conference. Meanwhile, according to current Public Health Agency guidelines issued May 15 and still in place, those who test positive for COVID-19 are expected to attend work and school with mild symptoms so long as they are seven days post-onset of symptoms and fever free for 48 hours.

Sweden actually recommends against masks everywhere except in places where health care workers are treating COVID-19 patients (some regions expand that to health care workers treating suspected patients as well). Autumn corona outbreaks in DalarnaJönköpingLuleåMalmö, Stockholm and Uppsala hospitals are affecting both hospital staff and patients. In an email on April 5, Tegnell wrote to Mike Catchpole, the chief scientist at the European Center for Disease Control and Prevention (ECDC): “We are quite worried about the statement ECDC has been preparing about masks.” Tegnell attached a document in which he expresses concern that ECDC recommending facemasks would “imply that the spread is airborne which would seriously harm further communication and trust among the population and health care workers” and concludes “we would like to warn against the publication of this advice.” Despite this, on April 8 ECDC recommended masks and on June 8 the World Health Organization updated its stance to recommend masks.

Sweden’s government officials stuck to their party line. Karin Tegmark Wisell of the Public Health Agency said at a press conference on July 14 that “we see around the world that masks are used in a way so that you rather increase the spread of infection.” Two weeks later, Lena Hallengren, the Minister of Health and Social Affairs, spoke about masks at a press conference on July 29 and said, “We don’t have that tradition or culture” and that the government “would not review the Public Health Agency’s decision not to recommend masks.”

All of this creates a situation which leaves teachers, bus drivers, medical workers and care home staff more exposed, without face masks at a time when the rest of the world is clearly endorsing widespread mask wearing.

On Aug. 13, Tegnell said that to recommend masks to the public “quite a lot of resources are required. There is quite a lot of money that would be spent if you are going to have masks.” Indeed, emails between Tegnell and colleagues at the Public Health Agency and Andreas Johansson of the Ministry of Health and Social Affairs show that the policy concerns of the health authority were influenced by financial interests, including the commercial concerns of Sweden’s airports.

Swedavia, the owner of the country’s largest airport, Stockholm Arlanda, told employees during the spring and early summer they could not wear masks or gloves to work. One employee told Upsala Nya Tidning newspaper on Aug. 24 “Many of us were sick during the beginning of the pandemic and two colleagues have died due to the virus. I would estimate that 60%-80% of the staff at the security checks have had the infection.”

“Our union representatives fought for us to have masks at work,” the employee said, “but the airport’s response was that we were an authority that would not spread fear, but we would show that the virus was not so dangerous.” Swedavia’s reply was that they had introduced the infection control measures recommended by the authorities. On July 1, the company changed its policy, recommending masks for everyone who comes to Arlanda—that, according to a Swedavia spokesperson, was not as a result of “an infection control measure advocated by Swedish authorities,” but rather, due to a joint European Union Aviation Safety Agency and ECDC recommendation for all of Europe.

As early as January, the Public Health Agency was warning the government about costs. In a Jan. 31 communique, Public Health Agency Director Johan Carlsson (appointed by Löfven) and General Counsel Bitte Bråstad wrote to the Ministry of Health and Social Affairs, cautioning the government about costs associated with classifying COVID-19 as a socially dangerous disease: “After a decision on quarantine, costs for it [include] compensation which according to the Act, must be paid to those who, due to the quarantine decision, must refrain from gainful employment. The uncertainty factors are many even when calculating these costs. Society can also suffer a loss of production due to being quarantined [and] prevented from performing gainful employment which they would otherwise have performed.” Sweden never implemented quarantine in society, not even for those returning from travel abroad or family members of those who test positive for COVID-19.

Not only did these lack of measures likely result in more infections and deaths, but it didn’t even help the economy: Sweden has fared worse economically than other Nordic countries throughout the pandemic.

The Swedish way has yielded little but death and misery. And, this situation has not been honestly portrayed to the Swedish people or to the rest of the world.

A Public Health Agency report published July 7 included data for teachers in primary schools working on-site as well as for secondary school teachers who switched to distance instruction online. In the report, they combined the two data sources and compared the result to the general population, stating that teachers were not at greater risk and implying that schools were safe. But in fact, the infection rate of those teaching in classrooms was 60% higher than those teaching online—completely undermining the conclusion of the report.

The report also compares Sweden to Finland for March through the end of May and wrongly concludes that the ”closing of schools had no measurable effect on the number of cases of COVID-19 among children.” As testing among children in Sweden was almost non-existent at that time compared to Finland, these data were misrepresented; a better way to look at it would be to consider the fact that Sweden had seven times as many children per capita treated in the ICU during that time period.

When pressed about discrepancies in the report, Public Health Agency epidemiologist Jerker Jonsson replied on Aug. 21 via email: “The title is a bit misleading. It is not a direct comparison of the situation in Finland to the situation in Sweden. This is just a report and not a peer-reviewed scientific study. This was just a quick situation report and nothing more.” However the Public Health Agency and Minister of Education continue to reference this report as justification to keep schools open, and other countries cite it as an example.

This is not the only case where Swedish officials have misrepresented data in an effort to make the situation seem more under control than it really is. In April, a group of 22 scientists and physicians criticized Sweden’s government for the 105 deaths per day the country was seeing at the time, and Tegnell and the Public Health Agency responded by saying the true number was just 60 deaths per dayRevised government figures now show Tegnell was incorrect and the critics were right. The Public Health Agency says the discrepancy was due to a backlog in accounting for deaths, but they have backlogged deaths throughout the pandemic, making it difficult to track and gauge the actual death toll in real time.

Sweden never went into an official lockdown but an estimated 1.5 million have self-isolated, largely the elderly and those in risk groups. This was probably the largest factor in slowing the spread of the virus in the country in the summer. However, recent data suggest that cases are yet again spiking in the country, and there’s no indication that government policies will adapt.

Health care workersscientists and private citizens have all voiced concerns about the Swedish approach. But Sweden is a small country, proud of its humanitarian image—so much so that we cannot seem to understand when we have violated it. There is simply no way to justify the magnitude of lost lives, poorer health and putting risk groups into long-term isolation, especially not in an effort to reach an unachievable herd immunity. Countries need to take care before adopting the “Swedish way.” It could have tragic consequences for this pandemic or the next.

Tuesday, October 13, 2020

(转) 如何理解“没有永远的朋友,只有永远的利益”

 前言

  前些天看到成群结队的评论,排着队说着类似的话,最显眼的就是这句“国家之间没有永远的朋友,只有永远的利益”,大意是面对国际事务我们只谈国家利益,不谈什么道义。
  苏格拉底说:未经省察的生活是不值得一过。我们来思考一下这个句子。
这句话源于十九世纪英国首相帕麦斯顿在下院的演讲,目的是为政府及其本人外交政策辩护时。原文是:A country does not have permanent friends, only permanent interests.
  非常深刻的一句话。
  说其深刻,是因为如果阅读者没有现代政治的基本概念,那很容易误读。
  主语:国家
  关键词:朋友 利益

  --国家
  国家是由国民组成的政治共同体,维护国民利益就是国家存在的目的。国家之间就应该谈利益,实现本国国民利益的最大化。
  --朋友
  对立词是敌人,通常是指人际关系。
  在政治语境中,看到拟人化的语句,一定要理解适用性的问题。
国家之间,需要用政治规则,而不适用于个际关系的规则。所以,帕麦斯顿说“国家之间只有永远的利益,没有永远的朋友”非常正确,但不能简单推理出:“国家之间有利益的冲突,双方就是敌人。”
  --利益
  利益是一个容易误读的词汇。在中文语境中,很多人文词汇缺乏明确的定义和深入的讨论,比如“仁义礼智信”,至今也说不清楚是什么,更不要说自由、平等、道德、法治、市场等现代政治词汇了。简单来说,在反商业反市场的传统文化中,利益通常带贬义。其实利益是中性词,不是道德判断,谈利益既不高尚,也不低俗。利益的对立面,并不是道义。关键问题是,如何获得利益?
  获得利益有不同的方法。先贤说:“君子爱财,取之有道”。小人呢,当然就是“毫无底线,唯利是图”。君子与小人的差异,就在于君子是按照大家认同的规则(道)去获得利益,小人是不讲规则地去获得利益。
  实现
国家利益的路径,也是如此。历史上有些国家不择手段攫取利益,比如纳粹时期的德国、军国主义的日本;还有的国家以商业兴国,更倾向于通过市场交易获得利益,比如英国、荷兰、瑞士、丹麦等。国家
发展理念不同,获得利益的方法不同
,结局也不相同。

举二个例子
  一是
李鸿章如何
维护国家利益题

  李鸿章与伊藤博文是中日双方的代表人物。在代表各自国家利益的接洽中,李鸿章把国家博弈与个人关系混同,有不少教训。
  1884年12月,日本政府策划了朝鲜的宫廷政变,要求朝鲜国王成立亲日政权,这就是“甲申政变”。当时驻扎在朝鲜的清朝监军袁世凯,果断率军进驻朝鲜王宫,迫使日方人员逃回了
国内。1885年2月,日本政府派伊藤博文出使中国和谈。李鸿章因胜券在握,显得高傲异常。当分歧过大,伊藤博文以“罢谈”相威胁时,李鸿章勃然变色,厉声道:中国并未有错,若谈判破裂,我就只好准备打仗了!伊藤博文知道无便宜可占,只好做了让步。最终,双方在4月18日签订了《中日天津条约》,李鸿章本应抓住时机,巩固中方优势,把日本势力赶出朝鲜,以绝后患。但他看重伊藤博文才华,轻视日本野心,反而将中国的优势拱手相让,赋予日本在朝鲜享有与宗主国中国相同的权利,为甲午战争爆发埋下了伏笔。这也是李鸿章首次为“私谊”付出的代价。

  时年李鸿章62岁,伊藤博文44岁。
  从天津相识起,李鸿章和伊藤博文保持了长达10年的书信往来。据学者考证,李鸿章与伊藤博文先后有过21次书信联系。后来在“长崎水兵事件”“防谷令”事件处理中,李鸿章还在寄望于“吾友”伊藤博文,指示袁世凯说“伊藤与吾交好,非虚伪”,希望中日和平共处,共同进步。但在国家利益面前,个人的私谊终究是空谈。甲午战败后,1894年11月18日,李鸿章请在天津海关任职的德国人德璀琳赴日和谈,除了携带正式的外交照会外,还特别附带上一封给伊藤博文的私函。李鸿章希望凭借与伊藤博文的私交,便利中日和谈。然而,当德璀琳到达日本时,他连伊藤博文的面都没有见着。
  李鸿章寄望于伊藤博文的私谊,却只换来《马关条约》的凌辱。国事是国事,私谊是私谊,私谊必须建立在公利的基础上。公私不分,是政治人物的大忌。比如正常的国事交流活动,不需要形式上多么富丽堂皇和奢华排场,更不需要一百年的拉菲茅台和山珍海味核心的内容在于务实的观点交流,目标是维护国家利益。
  当然,我们后人在评论之时,应当理解李鸿章在国力孱弱、内外交困之际,独立支撑,以私谊促公事的无奈。对于李鸿章开展多边外交,以夷制夷的手段,事实上起到了防止日本、沙俄或任何一个列强独吞中国的效果,这已经是相当的外交成就。北洋时期涌现出一批优秀的外交家,如顾维钧、王正廷、颜惠庆等,都以自己的杰出才华为国家争取了相当的利益。
  放松一下,来个广告
二是奥地利的梅特涅如何维护国家利益
作为现代政治的发源地,欧洲近代涌现了很多优秀政治家,奥地利的梅特涅就是其中的杰出代表。当时奥地利国内政治腐败,国力衰微。西边是强大的法兰西帝国,拿破仑正在积极图谋称霸欧洲。东边是扩张成性的沙俄,亚历山大一世对东欧和近东地区垂涎三尺。北部是崛起的普鲁士,腓特烈·威廉二世有强烈的好战倾向。
  为了让奥地利获得更大的生存空间,梅特涅确定了基本的外交战略:保存法国的力量,使法国成为制衡俄国的力量保存下来,这样对奥地利最为有利。在第一次巴黎条约中,梅特涅联手英国,允许法国保留1792年确立的疆界,这使得法国成为制衡俄国的重要力量。即使拿破仑在1815年复辟,法国再次被同盟国击败后,梅特涅和卡斯尔雷仍然主张用宽容的方式来对待法国,让法国留在欧洲国家共同体之中。在他们看来,鉴于法国强有力的政治和文化传统,过于苛刻和屈辱的和平条款只能滋生出仇恨的情绪,一旦法国恢复元气,它就会对欧洲进行报复。
  在梅特涅看来,对欧洲最大的威胁并不是法国,而是俄国,一个正在不断扩张的军事强国。确保法国的存在,法国就会是俄国在欧洲最重要的制衡力量。梅特涅的战略远见,不仅确保了奥地利的生存空间和安全利益,而且被认为是“欧洲和平的缔造者”,维持了欧洲大陆数十年的均衡与和平。
  与梅特涅的做法正好相反,法国的“老虎”总理克里孟梭就显示出战略眼光的差距。一战后德国被打败,出于对德国强烈的复仇情绪,克里孟梭在巴黎和会中以极其严苛的方式对待德国,要求最大限度地消弱德国,赔偿巨额战争赔款,期望建立法国在欧洲大陆的霸权。处置德国的《凡尔赛和约》一签订,正如英国首相劳合担心的,德国人民背负沉重负担,经济困难社会动荡,最终希特勒上台,并对法国进行了报复。更为严重的是,短视的克里孟梭等人忽视了对欧洲最大的威胁是俄国,法德争霸严重损害了西欧的整体实力,二战后欧洲陷入冷战困境,数十年都处在战争的威胁之中。现在虽然铁幕已倒,但西欧仍未能摆脱二战后的政治体系,依然需要美国人的军事保护。
备注
1、《凡尔赛条约》中的巨额赔款,历时92年,直到2010年10月德国向法国还清了最后一笔赔款,一战才算真正结束。
2、欧洲人的政治弱视,至今还在持续中。

后记
  “国家之间没有永远的朋友,只有永远的利益”这句经典,可以分解为四句话:
  国家之间,没有永远的朋友,也没有永远的敌人。
  国家之间的交往,应当是以国家利益为出发点。
  国家之间的利益冲突,是正常国家关系的一部分。或者说,国家之间的合作与冲突,都是常态。
不同国家的差异,在于解决冲突的思维方式。
  每个国家都期望自身的利益最大化,但是如何获得国家利益,与一个国家国民的主体价值观有关。一个国家的对外关系,依然是其内政的延续,也就是“内政决定外交”。通过一定的规则来获得利益,还是通过不择手段来获得利益,这就是不同国家文明水平的差距。
  但是,这个话题引出来一个更复杂的词汇,就是如何理解“国家利益”。不同政治观念的人群,都在说国家利益这个词。但如何理解这个词汇,涉及到了更复杂的政治知识。
举个简单的例子,很多人津津乐道的巴铁,其实并不存在,双方唯一的利益共同点,就是牵制印度。而巴国各方势力都极立向伊斯兰主义靠拢,宗教极端化趋势明显,这将会对中方西北地缘安全产生重大影响。
  再举个例子,一百多年前,请问谁能代表国家利益,谁能维护国家利益,是太后,是光绪,是李鸿章,是张之洞,是孙中山,还是袁世凯?那些在留言中,把“国家利益”挂在嘴上的朋友,请问您是什么答案?
  从现代政治的角度,无论是政治理论还是从政治实践,国家利益都必须和具体国民的利益相关联,脱离国民利益谈国家利益,只能是乌托邦的空想。
从长远来看,道义才是最高利益。
讲道义的人,才会有真正的朋友。
  个人如此,国家亦如此。
讲规则的国家,才会有真正的盟友。

Friday, October 2, 2020

Shock, sympathy, criticism: World reacts to Trump infection

 Italian right-wing opposition leader Matteo Salvini tweeted: “In Italy and in the world, whoever celebrates the illness of a man or of a woman, and who comes to wish the death of a neighbor, confirms what he is: An idiot without soul. A hug to Melania and Donald.″


Thursday, October 1, 2020

It’s Time to Get Serious about the People’s Republic of China

 As the Chinese Communist Party commemorates its 71st anniversary of seizing power, Americans increasingly recognize a simple fact: The fundamental character of the Communist regime has never changed and will never change.

Despite promising reforms for decades, the CCP is no closer to allowing political freedom than it was at Tiananmen Square in 1989. The brutal crackdowns in Hong Kong, the systematic attempt to destroy the Uyghur culture in Xinjiang, and the relentless assault on the sovereignty of neighboring nations all testify to a stubborn truth: The People’s Republic of China remains a ruthless, one-party dictatorship.

We’ve seen what happens when American politicians and businesses ignore this reality. It isn’t good.

For more than 40 years, previous administrations pursued a policy of accommodation towards the PRC. President Obama welcomed a strong PRC, claiming it was “a positive good” and “ultimately translates into more American jobs.” The tradeoff was simple: We bend to their wishes, they reform.

But the optimistic prognostications proved wrong. By accommodating them, we were changed by the CCP, not the other way around. America hemorrhaged millions of manufacturing jobs, the CCP and its companies stole billions through intellectual-property theft, and the PRC’s military presence expanded across three continents.

If this policy of unprincipled engagement continues, the United States stands to lose the future to today’s Communist superpower. It’s time to confront their global malign ambitions head on.

House Republicans on the China Task Force have put forward policies to end America’s dependence on the PRC while protecting Americans’ safety and well-being. Our comprehensive recommendations mobilize strategic U.S. government action in six areas: ideological competition, supply chains, national security, technology, the economy and energy, and competitiveness.

Without question, we must strengthen our military, and stop both CCP theft and its influence operations here at home. We begin by giving the Department of Defense the resources it needs to modernize the force and close the capability gap in specific areas, such as research and development. We also focus on providing the Department of Justice the resources it needs to investigate and prosecute visa fraud.

Beyond strengthening our national-security capabilities, we must also fortify our position on the commanding heights of the economic battlefield. Our plan doubles research and development funding for artificial intelligence and quantum computing across the federal government over the next two years, and ensures that both international 5G standards and the fabrication of advanced semiconductor chips are led by America. But just as American companies need to understand the stakes, CCP-affiliated companies need to face consequences. That is why our plan protects homegrown innovation by imposing sanctions on PRC entities that engage in industrial spying, including hacking U.S. researchers who are developing a vaccine for COVID-19.

But there is perhaps no more urgent strategic undertaking than breaking the CCP’s supply-chain monopoly. The coronavirus pandemic exposed our dependence on the PRC for medicine, personal protective equipment, and technology. That must end. Our plan increases U.S. manufacturing and builds supply-chain resiliency through full expensing on a permanent basis for all U.S. investment and restores domestic-production tax credits.

And while solidifying our domestic strength, we must courageously address moral wrongs. Recent satellite images of desecrated mosques in Xinjiang remind us of an old truth: “In keeping silent about evil . . . we are implanting it, and it will rise up a thousand fold in the future.” We have a responsibility to speak clearly about the CCP’s human-rights abuses and those aiding them. Our plan calls for the Trump administration to determine whether the CCP’s attacks on Uyghurs constitute genocide, a label that brings serious foreign-policy ramifications. We also call for disclosure requirements for movies and sports that are approved by CCP censors or partner with CCP-controlled entities.

The China Task Force’s blueprint reverses the failed consensus on the CCP and responds to urgent threats to our safety, security, and self-sufficiency. It makes more than 400 recommendations, including over 170 legislative proposals. Nearly two-thirds of these proposals are bipartisan, and more than one-third have already passed the House or the Senate. It is not only the most thorough congressional report on China in history, but is also realistic and achievable.

The CCP has launched a coordinated campaign across government and society, exploiting our institutions to eradicate them. It seeks to replace the American Dream with the Chinese Dream. The United States cannot afford to underestimate the CCP’s ambitions or accommodate its rise any longer. To secure the blessings of liberty for ourselves and our posterity, we must adopt our own comprehensive and forward-leaning strategy.

We’ve done this before. We overwhelmed the Axis powers with an “Arsenal of Democracy,” overtook early Soviet advances in space and were the first to put a man on the moon, and overcame a massive Soviet military buildup by rebuilding our economy and investing in cutting-edge technology. In each instance, private and public sectors were not afraid or ashamed to work together to advance our national interests while keeping their necessary separation. We should take a similar path today.

Kevin McCarthy represents California’s 23rd district and is currently the Republican Leader in the U.S. House of Representatives. Michael McCaul represents Texas’s tenth congressional district in the U.S. House of Representatives.

特朗普将如何输掉与中国的贸易战

 编者:本文是 保罗·克鲁格曼于2024年11月15日发表于《纽约时报》的一篇评论文章。特朗普的重新当选有全球化退潮的背景,也有美国民主党没能及时推出有力候选人的因素。相较于民主党的执政,特朗普更加具有个人化的特点,也给时局曾经了更多的不确定性。 好消息:我认为特朗普不会引发全球...